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| MCA on road to recovery or oblivion? |
| Khoo Kay Peng | Mar 2, 09 12:03pm |
MCPX 
The party lost more than half of all the seats it contested. Its
parliamentary representation fell from 41 seats to a meagre 15. It lost
in almost all Chinese-majority constituencies. Chinese support for the
BN was at a low of 25-38 percent in mostly urban seats.
Technically, the party represents the Chinese community only in name.
Current leaders are less revered and respected compared to predecessors
such as Tan Cheng Lock, Tan Siew Sin, Lee San Choon and Lim Ah Lek..
 Years
of racial politics have taken a toll of all parties representing the
minorities in Barisan Nasional (BN). Most have lost the support of their
respective communities because they were seen as conceding too much to
the dominant racial party, Umno.
It will be interesting to see what responses the MCA leadership has in
store as the party marks its 60th anniversary. They have to face several
crucial issues.
First, there is an obvious lack of unity and clarity in the party's
struggles. The rift between president Ong Tee Keat and his deputy Dr
Chua Soi Lek is affecting the leadership's concentration on its renewal
and revival process.
More leaders have offered to mediate their differences. Some, such as
Loh Seng Kok, have asked for Chua to be given a second chance as even
ex-criminals can serve the community after serving their sentence and
turning over a new leaf.
 This
is precisely the problem. The party has given Chua (left) a
chance by appointing his son, Tee Yong, to replace him as the MP of
Labis. However, Chua wants another slice of the cake and has demanded to
be made a minister and a senator. His repeated demands have annoyed Ong.
Chua should have focused his political continuity through his son who is
a qualified accountant and a likable person. After all, public
perception is clearly not in Chua’s favour. A recent poll by Merdeka
Centre said 74 percent of the respondents cannot accept politicians who
are morally deficient.
Ong’s folly
Political parties such as MCA, Gerakan and MIC have continued to operate
in their own space and are largely ignorant of public perception. Their
leaders think that they are still popular as long as they can command
the support of delegates. This is a crucial misconception, as was proven
in the last general election when dominant leaders were defeated.
Until and unless this tiff is resolved, the MCA will continue to be
sidetracked on personal disputes which may actually invite both anti-Ong
and anti-Chua factions to join in the fray.
Already sparks can be seen in Selangor and Johor where some members are
considering calling an EGM to table a no-confidence motion against Ong.
The EGM may also be an end game for Chua. Based on current sentiments,
it is remotely possible for the motion to succeed. A defeat of the
motion will set the relationship of the two leaders on the course of no
return.
 Ong,
though, should be more magnanimous. He was too quick in going for the
kill, and in replacing many in key positions with his people. Those who
are familiar with his political career can understand his reaction.
He was treated like an outsider before the general election. His
relationship with the last two presidents were not cordial. Hence, there
was mistrust between him and key generals appointed by the previous
administration.
Ong, an ardent student of Sun Tzu and classical Chinese history, should
have used a softer approach to win the hearts and minds of these
generals. A number of them are not hardcore supporters of their
ex-bosses, and can help reduce the possibility of faction-building in
the party.
It would be better for Ong to keep them competitive for his endorsement
and attention. This creates a natural check-and-balance system in the
party especially for those who are keen to impress the president.
Unequal relationship
Second, the party has yet to identify which political path it should
take. A number of leaders have argued that it is likely MCA will stay
communal as long as Umno exists. There is a critical flaw in this
statement.
While Umno has obviously benefitted from this racial arrangement and is
able to utilise a number of race-affirmative policy tools to strengthen
its position, MCA and other minority parties have to beg for small
concessions. It is obvious that their partnership is not between equals.
As a result, the influence of MCA and other minority parties is
contained and constrained by Umno and its behaviour in the coalition.
The power-sharing and consensus-driven relationship has been eroded
after the general election, after MCA and other minority parties lost
badly.
Most of the key policy decisions - such as the ban on the use of
'Allah', arbitrary use of the Internal Security Act against civilians,
and price hikes - are made solely by Umno without proper consultation
with its partners. MCA, like opposition parties, is reduced to merely
voicing dissatisfaction via the party-controlled media.
Hence, it is not wise for the party to hinge its political direction on
Umno. The latter is not going to change its direction and policy in the
near future. Politically, Umno is still the most dominant party.
It has created an impressive patronage system which includes the public
institutions, monarchy, elites and legal coercive forces. This patronage
system is not easily dismantled or defeated.
 Ironically,
many Malaysians were naive enough to believe that Opposition Leader
Anwar Ibrahim was on the verge of bringing this whole system down
through his grand defection plan. If the plan had been anywhere close to
fruition, Umno would have reacted beyond just plotting the downfall of
the Perak government.
The whole point is that Umno can afford to remain communal. The MCA will
continue to pay a huge price for not being a competent communal player.
It does not have any visible leverage against Umno. The party can only
play second fiddle at best in the coalition.
MCA will be reminded that it was a beneficiary of Umno's support in the
15 parliamentary seats that it won. Despite losing more than half its
parliamentary seats, it was still given the same number of cabinet
positions. This is another area for which Umno will claim credit.
Lead reform of BN
Here is where the dilemma lies. As long as MCA is seen to be supportive
and protective of Umno, it will not be able to regain lost ground. All
the opposition parties need to do is avoid shooting themselves in the
foot to win the next general election and act totally the opposite of
Umno.
 In
this regard, the MCA should be bold in overhauling the coalition instead
of waiting for Umno to do so. Its leaders should stop placing all hope
in Najib Abdul Razak's leadership, as this has not created any positive
public reaction. The only ones who are euphoric are BN leaders. Najib's
low popularity among the Chinese and Indian is not helpful to either MCA
or MIC.
If MCA cannot persuade Umno to be more reasonable, to allow the public
institutions to be independent, to restore public confidence, to respect
the rule of law, to address corruption, to embrace all minorities as
equals and to respect the status of all religions, then it should leave
the coalition, rebrand the party as a multiracial party or become
strictly a business organisation.
The last option of leaving competitive politics may not be a bad choice.
The party can use its business clout and connections to influence any
government.. It does not have to fear losing the support of the
community or allow its fate to be dictated by another competitive
communal party.
After 60 years, MCA should wake up to the fact that Umno is not its
natural partner.. If PAS and DAP are odd bedfellows, both MCA and Umno
are competitors in a race-based coalition.
History has proven that race-based political parties will come to a
head-on clash if each is committed to protecting the interests of its
own race. MCA and Umno’s relationship is sustained only because the
former was willing to accept a dominant partner and is willing to
concede key concessions to the latter.
MCA is celebrating its 60th anniversary as a political party. It should
reorient itself with the changing facets of politics and undertake soul
searching, including a sincere and open assessment of the party's
direction, sense of purpose and place in the political milieu.
It can redeem itself only by being truthful. Not even a Ong-Chua strong
partnership can help the party although it might keep everyone focused
on the challenging tasks at hand. |
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